For many voters, Green parties failed to show that their proposals were not simply expensive, anti-growth policies that would hurt the poorest the most. Some view them as elitist urbanites who brush aside the costs of the transition to a less climate-harming way of life.

Then there are Europe’s farmers, who protested fiercely against green policies over the past two years, particularly rejecting those seeking to limit the use of chemicals in agriculture and introduce nature protections that would eat away at farmlands. The protests spooked moderate voters and politicians.

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In Europe, Green parties polled particularly poorly in countries where they are a part of the governing coalition – primarily in Germany.

The enormous youth movement that had buoyed the Greens to win one in five votes in Germany five years ago has been punctured by being part of the governing coalition. “The party can’t please the younger progressive voters who they want to welcome into the fold and, at the same time, appease moderate voters who are wealthier,” said Sudha David-Wilp, a regional director at the Berlin office of the German Marshall Fund.

Because Germany is the most populous nation in the EU – and so is allocated the most seats in the European Parliament’s 720-seat assembly – the Greens’ poor performance there reverberated widely.

The picture for the Greens is not dire everywhere. Green parties performed very well in Nordic countries such as Denmark, Finland and Sweden, with one possible reason being higher prosperity and longer debates about climate change.

They also made surprising inroads in eastern and southern Europe, including Italy and Spain – places that have traditionally had weak Green parties and, in some cases, never even elected Green deputies to the European Parliament.

Perhaps the most complex political picture for the Greens emerged in the Netherlands, a country with a particularly powerful climate change movement; a uniquely organised and strong farmers’ movement; and a hugely successful far-right movement that won the national elections late last year.

There, the Greens formally ran together with Labor, a social democratic party, and won the election, relegating the far-right party to second place.

For the Greens, this kind of successful collaboration could be a model for coalitions in upcoming local and national elections elsewhere in the EU, Eickhout said.

“It’s absolutely crucial that the Green party has broader credibility, not only on climate,” he said, adding that collaboration with social democratic parties could help create a compelling progressive alternative to conservatives and the far right, while staying true to the Greens’ climate roots.

The poor showing for the Greens has triggered a chorus of lament, that the European Union Green Deal – as the collection of policies that the bloc has adopted to fight climate change and limit its own contribution to it is known – is dead.

Experts say that these concerns are unrealistic: Many of the policies that are meant to make an ambitious target for reducing carbon emissions possible are already law.

But procrastination and dilution of the policies because of the loss of Green momentum are very real risks, warns Simone Tagliapietra, an EU climate policy expert with Bruegel, a major Brussels-based think tank.

And defunding the Green Deal policies could also crush their effectiveness. To avert that, he added, the EU should push for a joint budget to invest in the green transition and protect the poorest from any economic fallout.

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“The radical Green Deal transformation raises tough questions about who will pay,” Tagliapietra said. “If those costs end up falling disproportionately on ordinary workers – let alone the poorest and most vulnerable communities – the transformation will worsen inequality and become socially and politically unviable. That is not an option.”

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

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