Such a reformed Palestinian Authority would then formally ask for – and participate in – an international peacekeeping force that would include troops from the UAE, Egypt, possibly other Arab states and maybe even European nations. This force would be phased in to replace the Israeli military in Gaza. The Palestinian Authority would then be responsible for rebuilding Gaza with relief funds provided by Saudi Arabia, the UAE and other Arab Gulf states, Europeans and most likely the US.
A reformed Palestinian Authority, with massive Arab and international funds, would attempt to restore its credibility in Gaza, and the credibility of its core Fatah organisation in Palestinian politics – and sideline the remnants of Hamas.
The US and Arab diplomats – with quiet assistance of former British prime minister Tony Blair – have been working on this concept with Israel’s Minister of Strategic Affairs, Ron Dermer, Netanyahu’s closest adviser. It requires Israel, for now, only to quietly permit the involvement of the Palestinian Authority in the rebuilding of Gaza as part of the international force – not to formally embrace it.
Netanyahu understands, though, that the Arabs will participate in an Arab/international peacekeeping force to clean up the mess in Gaza only if it is part of a process leading to Palestinian statehood.
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud (MBS), in particular, has made it very clear to everyone that for Saudi Arabia to go ahead with normalisation with Israel – after so many Palestinian deaths in Gaza – he needs the war in Gaza to end and any Arab peacekeeping force to be a step that will one day lead to a Palestinian state. The same is true for the UAE and Egypt.
MBS needs to show that in the wake of the war in Gaza he got something from Israel that no other Arab leader ever got, because he is potentially giving Israel something no Israeli leader ever got: relations with the home of Islam’s two holiest mosques. MBS is also vital to getting Abbas to appoint a reformer like Fayyad. Abbas respects MBS.
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Let me repeat: a diplomatic initiative to end the war along these lines – and to engineer a Saudi-Israel normalisation and Arab peacekeeping force – will eventually require Israeli commitment to a pathway to Palestinian statehood. That will trigger virulent opposition from Netanyahu’s extremist messianic right-wing partners, National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. They will foolhardily see the killing of Sinwar and the collapse of Hamas as an opportunity to think they can kill every last Hamas member in Gaza in order to carry out their agenda of putting Jewish settlements into Gaza and expanding them in the West Bank.
Netanyahu has long wanted to show that he is a historic figure, not just a tactician always manoeuvring to stay alive politically — but never ready to take a big risk to change history.
Well, this is his moment.
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Will he cross the Rubicon or do what he usually does – just dog paddle in the middle of it and tell those on each side that he is coming their way?
But this is also history time for MBS. If he wants a security treaty with the US, then the process needs to be launched while Biden is still president. (Senate Democrats will never vote for it under Donald Trump.) That means MBS is going to have to normalise relations with Israel before a Palestinian state is actually created – but do it on the basis of both Israelis and Palestinians specifically moving in that direction.
As someone who has covered the turmoil in the Middle East intensely since October 7 last year, I am newly hopeful about the possibility that the killing of Palestinians in Gaza will stop, the hostages will be returned and real diplomacy will start. And if the respective leaders rise to this moment, there could be a lot more to be hopeful about. Today is a start. What happens on the day after this war is everything.
Thomas L. Friedman is a Pulitzer Prize-winning political commentator and author.
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.