In finalising his cabinet, Donald Trump has come to resemble an American Caligula, the Roman emperor rumoured to have considered appointing his beloved stallion as consul. So unorthodox have been the president-elect’s appointments that I half expected him to nominate his golf cart as the new transportation secretary.
Certainly, there’s been a “bread and circuses” feel to the staffing of the new administration, a phrase coined in Roman times to describe how leaders won the approbation of the populace not through the proficiency of public servants but by something more performative. Crowd-pleasing gimmickry. Attention-grabbing stunts. How fitting, then, that the formation of Trump 2.0 should coincide with the release of Gladiator II.
After selecting Robert F. Kennedy Jr, a vaccine sceptic, to lead the Department of Health and Human Services, and Linda McMahon, a wrestling impresario, to become education secretary, Trump now wants Kash Patel to head up the FBI. This mega-MAGA 44-year-old, who served during Trump’s first term as a White House “political enforcer”, has a side hustle in selling pro-Trump merchandise. As well as penning Government Gangsters: The Deep State, the Truth, and the Battle for Our Democracy, he has written a children’s book, The Plot Against the King, which, as The Atlantic reported, features “a wizard named Kash who sets out to save King Donald from the sinister machinations of Hillary Queenton”.
At least the American republic can breathe a sigh of relief that former Florida congressman Matt Gaetz will not become attorney-general. A MAGA diehard who promotes himself on his website as “Trump’s Ultimate Defender”, he fell victim to what it is tempting to call “Gaetzgate”, a scandal combining accusations of sexual misconduct and drug use. Now, though, from a perch at the FBI, Patel could become “Trump’s Ultimate Prosecutor”.
It’s not just who Trump has appointed. Arguably, the larger story concerns who he wants to fire. His war on what he calls the “deep state”, a supposed shadowy network of government bureaucrats out to thwart him, is likely to result in the banishment of thousands of nonpolitical public servants. Trump believes he can do so with the flourish of his Sharpie pen, by signing an executive order that makes it easier to sack federal employees. The scheme goes by the Orwellian-sounding tagline “Schedule F”, and comes straight from the pages of the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025.
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To carry out this purge, Trump has appointed Elon Musk and the gadfly-like pharmaceuticals billionaire Vivek Ramaswamy to head a Department of Government Efficiency, which, despite its name, will operate outside the official bounds of government. Musk has promised to “send shockwaves through the system”. The goal set by Ramaswamy is to eliminate 75 per cent of the federal government. Trump himself has likened their work to the Manhattan Project, the program that developed the atomic bomb.
Never before has the modern American state, which came into being in the 1930s when Franklin Delano Roosevelt created a swath of New Deal agencies to combat the Great Depression, come under such assault. To the MAGA faithful, the Trump restoration will bring about a governmental reformation. His re-election is often framed as a threat to US democracy. Just as real and present is the threat to US government.
Trump’s choice to head the National Institutes of Health, one of the world’s foremost medical research centres, exemplifies this scorched-earth approach. Dr Jay Bhattacharya, a Stanford physician and economist, was a vehement opponent of lockdowns during the COVID pandemic. His thoughts on readying America for the next global contagion are blunt and severe. “Effective pandemic preparedness,” he wrote on social media in January. “Step 1: Fire all the people responsible for pandemic preparedness.”