When the Taliban seized power in August 2021, the new government quickly imposed far-ranging restrictions on women. But afterward, many of these changes – particularly the bans on education – were portrayed by Taliban officials as temporary. Those officials were often unable to specify what these rules required, leaving some room for interpretation that translated into regional variation in how the rules were followed. There remained a large difference, for example, between urban Kabul and the conservative rural south of the country.
But now, some women said, hopes are waning that urban influences could moderate the Taliban.
“There are two groups within the Taliban,” said Sajia, 24, a female former university student. “One group seemed to be moderate and eager to bend the rules. But now, with the restrictions approved as law, it seems that they have failed, and there is no hope left.”
Others gave up hoping long ago that the Taliban leadership could be made more tolerant. “When it comes to cruelty and restrictions, they are all on the same page,” said a 20-year-old female Kabul resident, who was admitted by Kabul University’s archaeology department just when the Taliban banned women from studying.
The Ministry for Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, which oversees the morality police, could not be reached for comment. Two former senior ministry officials said the position of spokesman is vacant.
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In a video statement to RTA, a Taliban-run broadcaster, Justice Ministry spokesman Barakatullah Rasouli said the new regulations emphasise “respect for human dignity of individuals” and advise officials to preach “gently.” The Taliban maintains that women’s lives have improved under its three-year rule and frequently argue that restrictions on women are for their protection.
Afghan women’s rights activists counter that the Quran does not ban women from education and imposes far fewer rules about proper dress than the ones mandated by the Taliban.
Many of the Taliban’s beliefs are partly rooted in centuries-old Pashtun culture, which remains entrenched in many rural areas of Afghanistan. In these areas, it is not only men who share the Taliban’s views. In Kabul, some women particularly fear female members of the morality police, who are often recruited from conservative suburbs. “They behave even more aggressively than the male officers do,” said a 20-year-old Kabul woman.
Many women in Kabul say they doubt the Taliban’s religious justifications for the rules, and there is widespread speculation that the regime is adding restrictions on women’s rights so it can later bargain them away in negotiations with international agencies and foreign capitals. The Taliban has been seeking international recognition for its government – so far, no country has done so – and trying to gain access to Afghan Central Bank reserves that remain frozen. Afghan leaders hope such a breakthrough would give a boost to the economy, helping to ease unemployment and hunger.
Some Afghan women blame the outside world for their vanishing freedoms. “The silence of the world over the last three years will go down as a dark chapter in history,” said Meena, echoing a widespread sentiment in the country that global attention has moved on from Afghanistan.
Many of the women she speaks to say they have unsuccessfully applied for scholarships abroad, she said, and are running out of options.
“The Taliban will keep using religion as a weapon against women,” she said. “To them, seeing the hair of a girl is a sin, but starving your country is not.”
The Washington Post