In little over a week’s time, if the result of the presidential election is clear, opinion pages will be awash with declarative columns explaining why Americans had opted for a Trump restoration or sent the country’s first female president to the Oval Office. With the clarity of hindsight, the reasons will be blindingly obvious. A grand narrative of this epic election will take shape. Hot takes will harden into a preliminary draft of history.

There is a collection of overarching storylines from which to choose. If Trump wins, expect to hear that Clintonian mantra from the 1992 campaign: “It’s the economy, stupid.” Another hardy perennial will also get a run: America was not ready to vote for a female commander-in-chief.

Immigration will be part of the post-mortem: the inexplicable failure of the Biden administration to do more to tackle the crisis at the southern border with Mexico. Doubtless there will be conjecture about whether Kamala Harris was the right torchbearer after Joe Biden stepped aside. A black woman was always going to struggle to win those must-win, muscly Rust Belt states of Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. And she was also a northern Californian, a liberal enclave firmly associated with woke culture and the Democratic Party’s leftward drift.

If Trump is defeated, the view will take hold that he lost the 2024 election on January 6, 2021. Americans weren’t prepared to re-elect a former president who mounted such a flagrant attack on democracy. Thereafter, his criminal conviction, intemperate rants, threats of retribution against political opponents and a weird 39-minute dance routine at a town-hall event were just too much for wavering voters. These concerns were crystallised by Sunday’s mega-MAGA rally at Madison Square Garden, with its overt racism and fascistic overtones.

A president-elect Kamala Harris will also have benefited from the decision of the conservative-dominated Supreme Court to overturn Roe v Wade. A massive turnout among women, angry at the curbing of reproductive rights and determined to reassert control over their bodies, will have shattered one of the most durable glass ceilings in global politics.

All these storylines are valid. Doubtless I will end up composing a post-election column covering similar ground. But in these final days, it is the subplots I find intriguing, the small things that could shift a few thousand votes here and there and thus determine the outcome. The Donald could be in the detail. Or perhaps Harris will be the beneficiary of small things.

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Consider Pennsylvania, the richest battleground prize of all because it harbours the largest number of electoral college votes (19). There, the Trump campaign has mounted an effective registration drive, aimed at negating the Democrats’ long-standing advantage. In 2020, there were 685,818 more Democrats registered than Republicans in a state that Biden carried narrowly by 80,555 votes. Now, the Republicans have whittled down the Democrats’ registration advantage to just 312,725.

To compound her Rust Belt problem, Harris has not secured the backing of the two important labour unions. The International Association of Fire Fighters backed Biden in 2020 and virtually every other Democrat for the past 40 years – it did not back Hillary Clinton in 2016. This year, however, it is not endorsing either candidate. Nor is the Teamsters union backing the Democrats, adding to her blue-collar blues.