In Russia, some vigils have led to mass detentions, a sign that even in death, one of Putin’s greatest antagonists, remained a threat to the Kremlin. Across Russia in the 24 hours or so since news of Navalny’s demise, some 400 people had been arrested at memorials for him following his death, human rights group OVD-Info reported.

Across town, men were reportedly spotted filling more garbage bags with flowers near the Kremlin, where another of Putin’s opponents, Boris Nemtsov, was assassinated nine years ago this month. Russian citizens still regularly lay flowers and candles here.

In February 2015, an unknown assailant fired seven or eight shots from a Makarov pistol at Nemtsov, 55, killing him almost instantly.

Once again, in Putin’s Russia, a leading political opponent has paid with his life. Navalny, Nemtsov’s heir and friend, died at age 47 in the secrecy of a Russian prison. State Russian media, including RT, had already reported that the prisoner suffered from an embolism, information obtained from anonymous official sources. The initial announcement was then changed to “sudden death syndrome”, then to “unknown”.

Navalny’s death has been reported in Russian media but only fleetingly. As US Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan once said: “If the newspapers of a country are filled with good news, the jails of that country will be filled with good people.”

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The focus in most media – albeit buried – has been on the so-called outrageous claims made by Western leaders. None of the news bulletins on Russian state TV led with the news. On the most-watched channel, Rossiya 1, it took nearly 45 minutes to mention him, dedicating just a 35-second report.

It seems Navalny, like Nemtsov, will soon be what George Orwell’s 1984 described as an unperson. In death, just as in his life, the Kremlin is trying to pretend that Alexei Navalny doesn’t exist.

For many, Navalny embodied a more hopeful future for Russia. His death will be unlikely to trigger a wave of outrage and anger on the streets. But for Putin – now also reportedly thinking about sending nuclear weapons into space – he clearly resembled a growing threat.

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His death, just like that of Wagner boss Yevgeny Prigozhin, should be taken as meaning Putin is not as confident either in himself or the future as he wishes to appear. That Putin poisons, detains and kills his opponents is by no means news. But this moment, which comes at a critical time in the war in Ukraine, must be a wake-up call to the world.

This devastating murder comes one month before a Russian presidential election. Of course, a Russian election is anything but free or fair. Any genuine opponent is banned – if they haven’t previously been imprisoned, exiled or killed. Putin is now positioning to be dictator for life.

But Navalny’s death could still be a profound watershed for modern Russia. As Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a former political prisoner and CEO of Yukos Oil company, said this weekend the West must stop indulging this charade and declare the election and its result illegitimate.

“Western leaders must never again feed Putin’s belief that being a criminal boss is the same as being a head of state,” he wrote in POLITICO.

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“Declaring Putin’s regime illegitimate would also deal a heavy blow to those who, disgracefully, continue to do business with the Kremlin despite sanctions. They, too, should know that their corrupt deals with this regime are worth nothing.”

To honour Navalny’s memory properly, the time for weakness and appeasement must end.

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