“I call on you to share my fury. My fury, my anger, my hatred of those who dared to murder our future,” she said.

Any successor of Navalny would inherit a battered opposition movement whose key figures are either dead, jailed or in exile.

Many of Navalny’s supporters fled abroad after the movement was branded extremist, and those who remain inside Russia have little room for manoeuvre in a tightly controlled political system where unauthorised protests are banned.

But her statement, which included a call to oppose Russia’s war in Ukraine, garnered more than 1.5 million views in three hours and nearly 50,000 comments.

Her video statement posted to the social media account opened in her name on X on Monday was watched 1.4 million times in the same timeframe, while her new account quickly gained tens of thousands of users.

Unlike her husband – who always said he would not be an exile and was arrested on arrival in Russia in 2021 after returning from treatment in Germany for poisoning – she has not announced plans to go home.

But if she stays abroad, she risks being cast by Moscow as a foreign puppet and will find it harder to be politically relevant.

Navalnaya had largely steered clear of public politics, stressing her role as supporting her husband and holding their family unit together despite Navalny’s bruising battle with the Russian state.

While always making clear she shared his anti-Putin views, she had limited her public appearances and statements to key turning points in his life, advocating for his release and humane treatment, before retreating from public view again.

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An economist by education and a former bank employee, Navalnaya stood by his side for years at protests, attended court hearings, was herself detained several times, and helped Navalny survive and recover from what Western doctors said was a nerve agent poisoning attempt on his life in 2020.

Born in Moscow, she was graduate of the prestigious Plekhanov Russian University of Economics. Her father Boris Ambrosimov was a notable scientist.

She met her future husband while on holiday in Turkey in 1998 and they married two years later, going on to have a daughter, Daria, and a son, Zakhar.

She and Navalny were both once members of the liberal Yabloko party.

Within hours of reports of Navalny’s death on Friday, she made a surprise appearance at a security conference in Germany, where she told the audience Putin would be held responsible.

She met US Secretary of State Antony Blinken at the same Munich event and also held talks with Tsikhanouskaya, the exiled Belarus opposition leader.

On Monday, she was in Brussels at a meeting of European Union foreign ministers.

Moscow is watching closely.

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Former Kremlin adviser Sergei Markov accused Western intelligence services of trying to turn Navalnaya into a “Joan of Arc” figure, predicted she would be forgotten in time, and advised her to stay “in a quiet place”.

Tatiana Stanovaya, founder of the R.Politik analysis firm, said Navalnaya’s statement was “an unambiguous bid for an independent political role” but pointed out various potential pitfalls and said it was too early to predict how she would fare.

“A great deal will depend on what she has to offer. Not as the widow of a remarkable politician tortured to death, but as an independent figure,” said Stanovaya.

“Will she be able to find her own political style, her content, and a team that will not alienate people? Time will tell.”

“In a sense, Navalny has now been reincarnated in his wife, but unlike Navalny she is not in Russia,” Stanovaya said, according to Politico. “For the Russian regime, of course, this is rather bad news.”

Before his death, Alexei Navalny urged Putin regime critics to head to polling stations at midday on March 17 – the last day of voting in Russia’s presidential election – to demonstrate.

“Real people standing in line to vote against Putin”, he wrote, would be a powerful symbol against “fake and fraudulent ‘yes’ votes”.

Reuters

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