A few weeks ago, Hong Kong marked another ignominious “first” under the national security crackdown – the first conviction of journalists on sedition charges since the former British colony was handed back to China in 1997.

A district court judge found two editors, Chung Pui-kuen and Patrick Lam, from the now-defunct Stand News, guilty of publishing seditious articles and found the outlet had become “a tool to smear and vilify” Beijing and Hong Kong authorities.

Indeed, almost 300 Hongkongers have been arrested on national security grounds since 2020, and dozens of pro-democracy activists are now languishing in the city’s prisons.

Allow me to draw your attention to one of them – Australian dual citizen Gordon Ng.

Born in Hong Kong, Ng moved to Australia at 13. He attended Waverley College in Sydney’s eastern suburbs, before studying mathematics and commerce at the University of New South Wales, eventually returning to Hong Kong to work in the finance sector.

His case has flown under the radar, mostly out of sight and out of mind of the Australian public since his arrest in 2021.

He is facing a possible maximum life sentence for what prosecutors claim was his organising role in an unofficial primary election held in July 2020 that aimed to help pro-democracy candidates win majority control of the Hong Kong legislature and veto government bills. His case is part of the “Hong Kong 47”, named for the group of politicians and activists charged with conspiring to “subvert state power”, in what stands as the biggest prosecution under the new law to date.

Ng was one of 14 who fought the charges but were convicted after a 118-day trial in May by judges handpicked by Hong Kong’s leader to preside over the case. Two were acquitted and a further 31 pleaded guilty.

Ng and his 44 co-convicted now face an anxious wait to learn their fate at upcoming sentencing hearings, expected any time before the end of the year.

Because Hong Kong authorities do not recognise Ng’s dual citizenship and consider him to be a Chinese citizen only, he has been denied access to Australian consular officials who have made at least 14 requests to visit him.

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The last public words we have from Ng are in a statement he made at his mitigation hearing in June, where he defended the principles of the activists’ democratic campaign but disputed authorities’ attempts to cast him as an instigator.

“Because ‘power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely’, I believe that the holding of fair and regular elections provides the best counterbalance against a power potentially becoming tyrannical,” he said.

“It is for these reasons that I support the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong, as I believe their cause of striving for democracy a noble one, and also a sensible one for the continued development of this city.”

The law, together with Article 23, has not only had a chilling effect on Hong Kong society, it has dampened post-COVID recovery efforts amid a flight of capital and expats from the city as some international businesses have relocated offices to Singapore, long the city’s chief rival.

Meanwhile, the four Australian judges who serve on the city’s top court – none of whom have presided over national security law appeals to date – have come under scrutiny for their decision to remain at the apex of a judicial system that enforces these laws. While there have been no allegations of the judges’ independence being compromised, the court was rocked this year by the resignation of two British judges who cited the city’s political situation and erosion of the rule of law as the reasons for their early departure.

As for Gordon Ng, he will likely pay a high price for his role in the fight for Hong Kong’s future.